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After you’ve made a claim, the customer will be informed and will be asked to respond. They may dispute the debt, in which case you may need to provide more information and may be asked to attend mediation to try and settle the dispute. I think it’s highly unlikely that if this movement does get off the ground there will be any very severe action taken against people who take part in it,” he said. “My guess is the government will be forced to move to alleviate the situation. There’s a really, really huge crisis coming our way, and the government is sitting there like a rabbit in the headlights, doing nothing. It has to be forced to act.” Dario Fo'nun, Torino'da işten çıkarılanlara, yükselen fiyatlara ve açlığa karşı mücadele vermeye çalışan düşük ücretli çalışanlara sahip çıkmayan sendika ve partiye karşı protesto amaçlı orta oyununa benzer bir eleştirisi. During the foreclosure wave that swept the country before, during, and after the Great Recession, there were fierce debates among academics and policy makers about the best policies to mitigate foreclosures and prevent a future crisis. In this section we discuss how our empirical findings are relevant to this debate.
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The play is clearly a political statement about the life and times of Italy in the 1970s. Dario Fo shows that the struggle to make ends meet, coupled with the loss of jobs, is the cost that working class carry in the fight against inflation. It is arguably also a feminist comedy, as it is written to show the viewpoint of the housewife, struggling to afford the ever rising prices in the shops. Its themes of unemployment, class division, and women’s role in society then continued to strike a relevant note through 1980s Britain. Continuing decades have also seen its relevance to their own problems, in various countries, with crooked politicians and bankers’ bonuses. Even if your contract says you won’t be paid for mandatory training, your employer shouldn’t use it as a way to get out of paying the National Minimum Wage or National Living Wage. Your average hourly pay rate should still be at least the legal minimum. We follow the methods of Low and Pistaferri (2015) in identifying a household in which the head or the spouse has suffered a disability, and construct dummy variables to identify a change in either the head’s or spouse’s disability status. The first set of dummy variables that we focus on indicate whether the head or the spouse has suffered any disability (moderate or severe) since the previous survey. The second set indicates whether the head or the spouse has suffered a severe disability since the previous survey. The logit coefficients in Columns (4)–(6) are reported in the table without parentheses, while the standard errors are reported just below the coefficients (round parentheses), and the average marginal effects (AME) are reported below the standard errors (square parentheses). The average marginal effects in Columns (4) and (5) have the same sign and similar magnitudes to the OLS coefficients reported in Columns (1) and (2). Column (6) includes the interaction term between LTV ratio and residual income. Due to the nonlinearity of the logit model, the AME associated with the interaction must be calculated at discrete points in the state space. We find that the AME associated with the interaction term, computed as the difference in the AME of LTV ratio between the interquartile range of residual income, is about half of the magnitude of the corresponding estimate in the linear probability model. However, the magnitude of the interaction effect is sensitive to the points at which it is calculated, and in many instances the interaction effect is larger than the LPM model. The electoral roll in England fell almost 85,000 in 1989, having risen more than 200,000 annually for much of the preceding decade. The English electorate peaked at 36.5 million in 1988, a year before the poll tax was introduced, and did not reach that figure again until 1994, one year after the tax was scrapped. It is thought that more than a million people in Britain failed to register to vote during the poll tax era.
Can’t Pay? Won’t Pay! is set in a “modest working class flat” in a working class suburb of Milan. The playwright details how in his play the political situation in 1974 translates into chaos in ordinary people's lives. It starts with the Italian prime minister Signor Rumor’s warning to the population that they will have to tighten their belts, because of the international money crisis. This results in a four hour general strike in protest at the government’s delay in dealing with inflation, unemployment and the energy crisis. By March the government has resigned, and a new government is formed without Republicans. However, there is continuing financial crisis, and now soaring inflation. The new government resigns after just 3 months. In the play, both the pace and the absurdity are cranked up a notch. This version of Fo's 1974 political farce Non Si Paga! Non Si Paga!—commonly known in English as Can't Pay? Won't Pay! but there are a few other translations (Deborah McAndrew's They Don’t Pay? We Won’t Pay! was at Mercury Theatre, Colchester earlier this year)—was adapted by film and TV writer Marieke Hardy for Sydney Theatre Company, whose run at Sydney Opera House was cut short by the pandemic. The coronavirus pandemic has revealed that mass indebtedness and extreme inequality are a political choice. In the early days of the crisis, elected officials drew up plans to spend trillions of dollars. The only question was: where would the money go and who would benefit from the bailout?
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I went to see this play on a school trip and it is superb. The acting was mind-blowing, the plot was hilarious and the way Jo handled the script was excellent. Fighting against the rising cost of living, a group of women turn to shoplifting. Here are two views of this Dario Fo comedy at the Derby Playhouse.
That being said, however, I feel the play is a bit idealistic in its outlook. Towards the end, Giovanni's transformation seems a bit contrived, but what else is to be expected in a work determined to expose truth through absurdity? Apparently, just after the original Italian production opened, women took over the cash registers in a supermarket in Milan and only paid the prices from before the recent large increases, and a court freed them. While there were cheers for some of the political points made in this production, I can't imagine many of those in the press night audience, who seemed mostly young and very well-spoken, would have raided the Sainsbury's Local next door on their way home, but who knows?
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Secondly, they are debtors who have experienced a sudden substantial fall in their income due to loss of employment or, loss of a business contract or are just experiencing health problems which will impair their ability to manage their finances. Following this descriptive analysis, we quantify the relative importance of strategic motives versus ability to pay by analyzing how changes in home equity and in residual income affect the probability of default in a multivariate setting. We first fit linear probability and logit models of default on a rich set of covariates that allow us to control for a variety of economic and demographic factors. Regarding the importance of strategic motives, while approximately 38% of defaulters do have the ability to pay, we find that the estimated likelihood of default among low equity borrowers with the ability to pay is fairly low. Specifically, our IV estimates indicate that an increase in the loan-to-value (LTV) ratio from 75% to 125% raises the default probability of a high residual income borrower from about 3% to about 5%. However, we find that an increase in the LTV ratio from 75% to 125% raises the default probability for a low residual income borrower from 10% to 17%. This finding highlights a quantitatively important interaction between ability to pay and borrower equity in the pay/default decision. The deadline for you to start the employment tribunal process is 3 months minus a day from when you should have been paid the money.
However, the levy was painted as the most retrograde step in taxation since introduction of the original poll tax in 1380. Lords and ladies living in mansions were to pay the same as nurses, receptionists, roadsweepers and labourers. And the link to the original tax was that all who were entitled to vote would have to pay an equal share. This, then, is the preamble to the play’s fast and furious comedy. By the end of the year, the tension breaks after months of frustration. There is a spontaneous demonstration by a few housewives, as they decide to do something about it. They refuse to pay for their weekly shop. Some food is snatched, and for the rest, what is considered a fair sum is paid. They leaflet other women, calling on them to also take direct action against the inflationary supermarket prices, and pay the “just” sum rather than what is being charged.Protesters are expected to take to the streets. But as well as more traditional campaigning methods, they also plan to pile pressure on energy suppliers and the government by ignoring their bills and cancelling their direct debits. Book Genre: 20th Century, Classics, Cultural, Drama, European Literature, Fiction, Humor, Italian Literature, Italy, Literature, Plays, Theatre Overall 4.5/5. The play truly represented to my morals and beliefs and I believe we need this play now more than ever in this day and age. Maybe we could change it up a bit, have Antonia say to Giovanni, "You seriously need a man to explain everything to you what I have been saying the past 45 minutes of this play?" Donna Goddard, Head of Debt Recovery at Boyes Turner has a look at the distinctions between Can’t Pay and Won’t Pay. Can’t Pay Can't Pay? Won't Pay! Is based on Dario Fo's "Non Si Paga? Non Si Paga!", a pointedly political work that he wrote to highlight the plight of ordinary Italian workers during the economic crises of the 1970s, but although the characters retain Italian names there's no room in this production for cod Italian accents.
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